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The Immigration Debate
THE STATE
Inland Latinos Alarmed by New Border Patrol Sweeps
BORDER PATROL U S ARRESTS ILLEGAL ALIENS
By Janet Wilson and Sandra Murillo,
LA Times Staff Writers
submmitted by Carmen Camacho,
corresponsal de Coloquio en Montgomery Co. Maryland
U.S. Border Patrol agents have
arrested more than 150 suspected illegal immigrants during a major
sweep in Riverside and San Bernardino counties that has caused panic
in some heavily Latino neighborhoods.
The sweeps, which began Friday,
came after a change in policy at the Border Patrol and will continue
indefinitely, agency officials said. Similar "interior checkpoints"
and related activities have occurred in parts of Texas and elsewhere
in the Southwest, said Mario Villarreal, a spokesman with the U.S.
Bureau of Customs and Border Protection in Washington.
In August, Border Patrol
officials rescinded a 4-year-old policy prohibiting agents from
pursuing or arresting suspected illegal immigrants except near the
border and at highway checkpoints. The recent sweeps in Ontario
and Corona, two cities far from the border, are the first such action
in Southern California since the policy shift.
"U.S. Customs and Border Protection
is committed to preserving the integrity of our nation's border,
and interior checkpoints are a critical enforcement tool to our
priority mission," Villarreal said.
"This is kind of new I guess
for most folks, but it is within the mission of the Border Patrol
to detain, arrest and apprehend illegal aliens," said Angel
Santa Ana of the Border Patrol's San Diego office.
Federal agents said they were relying
on intelligence to identify places with suspected illegal immigrants,
stopping people as they stepped off buses and walked along the streets.
Agents are questioning and arresting
people based on their nationality only, said Tomas Jimenez, senior
patrol agent in San Diego. He declined to elaborate, but said these
types of operations are usually based on information from local
residents or law-enforcement officials.
"All of our operations are
based on intelligence. We did not just decide one morning to go
to this place for no reason," Jimenez said. "And basically
all the decisions we make when arresting a person are based on nationality
only."
Jimenez insisted the arrests "are
not raids" and said that churches, schools and homes would
not be targeted. More than 90% of the people arrested were Mexican,
and a few others were from El Salvador or other Latin American countries,
Jimenez said.
Police in both Ontario and Corona
said they had been informed that Border Patrol agents would be within
their jurisdictions, but that they were not part of the sweeps.
The arrests are causing anger and
panic among some Latino residents and activists. Abel Medina, director
of Hermandad Mexicana Nacional in Ontario, accused Border Patrol
agents of racial profiling, which he said is improper and discriminatory.
"It's one thing to arrest
people, it's another thing when they are targeting by race,"
Medina said. "This is harassment and totally aggressive. And
who are they stopping? They're stopping Latino people, people with
brown skin, that's who."
The phone at the Ontario office
of the nonprofit agency, which assists immigrants, is ringing incessantly,
he said, with reports from people who have endured stops and questioning,
and from concerned business owners. One woman, who gave her first
name as Elidia, said Wednesday that her husband, Lucas Lagunas,
20, and his brothers were arrested a few blocks from their Ontario
apartment Friday as they were driving to work at a nearby warehouse
and deported to Mexico. Lagunas' 19-year-old wife said she is three
months pregnant and has been in the country about five months. She
has no family here and is relying on friends for support.
"Right now I'm just sad and
scared," she said in a near-whisper. "I'm just here waiting,
hoping that my husband comes back."
Although she said she was too scared
to leave the small apartment she shares with three friends and four
of their children, she said she promised her husband that she'd
raise the money to bring him back across the border. The family
wanted to work here and buy a house, she said. On Friday, about
eight Border Patrol cars pulled up in front of their apartment complex.
Residents yelled "La Migra!" warning that immigration
agents were in the area, said apartment manager Rosa Covarrubias.
"Some people thought it was
a joke," she said. "But when they saw the patrol cars,
people started running. One woman hid in her closet."
Some Ontario residents were warning
others to avoid intersections where Border Patrol agents had stopped
immigrants. Trips to the market, work or even school were considered
risky, Covarrubias and others said.
"They're holed up, they don't
want to be outside, because the Border Patrol is everywhere,"
said Covarrubias, who said five tenants were arrested Friday on
the street just outside the complex. "They're just upset because
they come here to work and be progressive, and look what happens
to them. Why aren't they out arresting the gangsters and drug dealers?"At
a nearby market that caters to Latinos, manager Raul Chavez said
he had seen immigration agents arrest a handful of people as they
stepped off a bus, and he'd heard of several other locations where
people had been arrested.
"I know the government has
the right to do this, but I remember all the suffering and sacrifice
that you go through when you first come here, and it's just wrong
to arrest them," said Francisca Granero, 47, of Ontario, a
customer who was busy selecting a watermelon outside the market.
"They're working. They're not doing anything wrong. I've been
here 23 years and I have my papers, but I sympathize with them because
you never forget those early days."
The San Diego Border Patrol office
was the subject of intense criticism last summer from Mexican consular
officials and some residents after sweeps and arrests within a block
of the consulate in San Diego, and on San Juan Capistrano streets.
In the latter sweep, a father was separated from his young children
and sent back to Mexico without them.
At the time, William Veal, the
chief agent in San Diego, who has since retired, wrote a memo ordering
his agents not to arrest or question suspected illegal immigrants
except along the border or at highway checkpoints. Veal said he
based his memo on what he said was a 1999 policy from Washington
that stemmed from court rulings limiting the Border Patrol's authority
to question people about their legal status.
Many local agents were upset and
frustrated by the order, which also was criticized by Rep. Christopher
Cox (R-Newport Beach), chairman of the House Select Committee on
Homeland Security.
U.S. Customs and Border Protection
Commissioner William Bonner ordered Veal to rescind the memo shortly
after he wrote it.
Letters
request illegals action
By Robert Redding Jr.
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
Two Maryland lawmakers from Baltimore
County have asked the federal government to withhold funding from
state and local agencies that ignore federal laws aimed at cracking
down on illegal immigration.
"Especially since 9/11, it is everyone's duty to protect the
integrity of U.S. borders the best we can," said Delegate Pat
McDonough. Mr. McDonough and Delegate Rick Impallaria, both Republicans,
sent letters to President Bush, Attorney General John Ashcroft and
other high-ranking federal officials asking them to cut funding
from agencies that "flagrantly" violate U.S. immigration
laws.
They say, for example, that funding
should be cut from the Maryland Motor Vehicle Administration if
it issues driver's licenses to illegal aliens and from law-enforcement
agencies that refuse to help the federal Immigration and Customs
Enforcement agency carry out its mission of deporting illegal immigrants.
"This would not be a new policy for the federal government,"
Mr. Impallaria said. "This is the same principle as cutting
federal funds from jurisdictions that do not comply with federal
fair housing regulations. ... Our intention is to encourage state
and local jurisdictions to shoulder their part of the responsibility
for preventing terrorist activity. The feds cannot do it all."
The lawmakers submitted five bills in the 2004 General Assembly
to crack down on illegal aliens, though none was approved.
One bill called for incarcerating illegal aliens as soon as they
are discovered, and another would have punished U.S. residents who
allow illegal aliens to use their cars while committing crimes.
A third bill focused on cracking down on foreign embassies that
issue identification cards to illegal aliens. The other two bills
called for a study on the effect of illegal aliens on the state
economy.
The delegates have vowed to resubmit the bills in the next session.
Mr. McDonough and Mr. Impallaria say they are most concerned about
Montgomery County because Executive Douglas M. Duncan, a Democrat,
has defended the police force for not detaining illegal aliens for
deportation.
In February, Mr. Duncan said deportation was a federal issue.
"We [also] don't have the manpower or the resources,"
he said. "We are trying to build trust between the community
and police department."
Mr. Impallaria said, "I don't want to see the state lose federal
dollars, but I do want to see it do the right thing."
Erin Healy, a Bush administration spokeswoman, said Friday that
the lawmakers' letter had not been received. She had no comment.
A spokesman for Mr. Ashcroft said the attorney general's office
will review the letter "as we do all these types of requests."
The letter also was sent to Gov. Robert L. Ehrlich Jr., a Republican,
but his office declined to comment. "While the state received
a copy of the letter, it is addressed to federal officials and it
is about a federal issue," said Henry Fawell, an Ehrlich administration
spokesman. "We will let Maryland's federal delegation address
it."
Delegate Victor R. Ramirez, a Prince George's County Democrat, called
Mr. McDonough and Mr. Impallaria hypocritical. "These are the
same folks who cry separation between the state and [federal] government.
And when it does not please them, they go running to the federal
government."
Mr. McDonough and Mr. Impallaria's public opposition of illegal
aliens has caused them trouble with immigrant communities.
Community leaders have called for a state inquiry into a purported
assault on four activists outside a State House hearing room
OP-ED COLUMNIST of the New York
Times
Workers in the Shadows
By DAVID BROOKS
Imagine a person 10 times as determined
as you are. Picture a guy who will wade across rivers, brave 120-degree
boxcars and face vicious smugglers and murderous vigilantes —
all to get a job picking fruit for 10 hours a day. That person is
the illegal immigrant. Let's call him Sam. This whole immigration
debate is about him, the choices he faces and the way he responds.
One thing we know about Sam: he
will get here. Between 1986 and 1998, Congress increased the Border
Patrol's budget sixfold. Over that time the number of undocumented
immigrants in the U.S. doubled, to eight million. Getting across
that border is Sam's shot at a decent future. Maybe his whole family
depends upon him. He will not be herded away like a lamb.
At the moment, Sam lives in the
shadows of society. But this week, President Bush proposed an immigration
reform plan that would offer him a new set of choices.
Under the Bush plan, Sam could
become a visible member of society with legal documentation. He
could get a driver's license. He could benefit from worker protection
laws, and possibly see his wages rise. He could open a bank account,
which would let him ship money back home without having to pay huge
fees. As Dan Griswold of the Cato Institute has shown, he would
be much more likely to invest in himself through worker training.
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the first place, (Bush's immigration plan) would tie him (the
immigrant) to a single employer. He would have to have a job
waiting to get in, and he'd have to keep it once he was here.
Instead of trying to sell his labor on the open market, or jumping
at opportunities, he'd be tied down. If he lost that job, he
would have a short but terrifying window of time to find another...
For up to six years, Sam would be legal, but at the end of that
time, he would probably face deportation. |
More important, he could go
home and see his family. He wouldn't have to live withthe constant
fear of detection. He wouldn't have to drive on back roads to avoid
being pulled over and asked for his license by the police.
But Sam would have to think hard about the Bush proposal,
because it is not all good news. In the first place, it would tie
him to a single employer. He would have to have a job waiting to get
in, and he'd have to keep it once he was here. Instead of trying to
sell his labor on the open market, or jumping at opportunities, he'd
be tied down. If he lost that job, he would have a short but terrifying
window of time to find another.
More seriously, his stay in the
U.S. would be limited. For up to six years, Sam would be legal,
but at the end of that time, he would probably face deportation.
Then what would his family do for money?
Sam might decide, all things considered,
that it was better not to be in the Bush system, and to remain,
as he is now, in the shadows. Or he might decide to enroll in the
Bush system for a few years, then return to the shadows. If Sam
is going to cooperate, if the U.S. is going to have the labor force
it needs to prosper, if the cloud of gangsterism and exploitation
is to be finally removed from the lives of immigrants, then Congress
is going to have to take the Bush plan and add a component that
addresses the immigrants' long-term dreams.
There are several ways to do this.
Some have proposed a point system. Sam could earn a point every
time he did something that would make him a better citizen. A point
for learning English. A point for a high school equivalency degree.
With enough points he could earn a green card. He would be on a
rigorous path to citizenship, which would still be longer than the
one legal immigrants would take.
The Bush plan also needs that long-term
component to have any chance of passage in the Houseof Representatives.
There are about 70 Republicans who will never vote for any immigration
reform but prohibition. To get a majority, the administration has
to take the rest of the Republicans and win over a big chunk of
Democrats.
The Democrats' present position
is that Sam has to get full legalization — which is politically
impossible — or he gets nothing. This week, most Democrats,
led by Howard Dean, dismissed the president's plan contemptuously.
But if Democrats were offered a
reasonable way to regularize Sam's life and give him hope for the
future, I can't believe that they would really be so hardhearted
that they would turn that down.
Bush has moved the Republicans
a long way on this issue, and he will probably have to move a little
more. The Democrats haven't budged, but if they do, then we will
finally be able to see Sam emerge into the sunlight, and we'll be
able to take advantage of all the work and drive and creativity
that he and millions like him bring to this country.
La Raza president: Bush
immigration proposal 'falls far short'
WASHINGTON (CNN) -- President Bush's announcement Wednesday of new
immigration guidelines, including a new temporary worker program,
drew mixed reactions.
One person who expressed disappointment
was Raul Yzaguirre, president of the National Council of La Raza,
a Hispanic advocacy group. He spoke to CNN's Heidi Collins shortly
after Bush's speech.
YZAGUIRRE: I thought the president
was brilliant and magnificent in terms of defending our tradition
of immigration. He was compassionate and compelling.
Unfortunately, the proposals that
he is making to the Congress don't embody that compassion. When
you strip it down, what he's saying, it amounts to nothing more
than a warmed-over Bracero program, unfortunately.
COLLINS: Why do you say that?
YZAGUIRRE: Well, what we're talking
about is simply giving temporary work permits to either people who
are already here or people who will come in. And that is not very
different than what we had in the '40s, '50s and '60s, a program
called Bracero program, where we imported temporary workers and
abused their rights. And we saw endemic patterns of abuses that
we all are ashamed of.
COLLINS: You say that this also
exposes the worker to possible deportation when the green card or
the temporary card runs out.
YZAGUIRRE: Precisely.
You are asking people who are undocumented
to come forward, declare the fact that they're undocumented, and
then expose themselves to possible, perhaps even probable, deportation
after a period of time. It is no pathway to legalization, to earned
legalization, to regularization of their status. And it falls far
short of what we had talked about before the September the 11th
incident.
COLLINS: But the plan does provide
incentives to go back to their home country, possibly starting their
own business and supporting their families in their own country.
It offers them retirement benefits and some new tax savings accounts.
Isn't that different than what was offered before?
YZAGUIRRE: No. As a matter of fact,
the Bracero program also had a savings provision, which, in fact
[was] not lived up to.
But it still amounts to sugarcoating
what is not a particularly generous proposition. It's not one that's
likely to attract a lot of people coming forth.
COLLINS: Mr. Yzaguirre, what were
you hoping the president would offer?
YZAGUIRRE: We were hoping that
he would keep his promises to offer comprehensive immigration reform
that would include, indeed, perhaps a temporary worker program,
but that the heart of it would be earned legalization, a pathway,
so that people who are currently paying taxes, subsidizing our Social
Security system, improving our standard of living, would have an
opportunity to do what millions of other Americans -- other immigrants
have done, become American citizens.
COLLINS: What will happen now,
in your eyes?
YZAGUIRRE: It's hard to tell.
You know, we don't have a specific
proposal. We have a series of concepts and broad strokes. The fact
that it comes so late in the legislative calendar makes it very
difficult to expect that it will pass Congress this year. So, it
may be no more than a political gesture to earn the vote of the
Hispanic community.
NCLR STRONGLY
CRITICAL OF WHITE HOUSE IMMIGRATION PROPOSAL
[Washington, D.C. — Raul
Yzaguirre, President of the National Council of La Raza (NCLR),
the nation’s largest Latino civil rights organization, offered
this reaction today to President Bush’s announcement on immigration
policy:]
Hispanic Americans are extremely
disappointed with the President’s announcement today on immigration
policy, which appears to offer the business community full access
to the immigrant workers it needs while providing very little to
the workers themselves. This represents a major departure from the
Administration’s posture when they initiated this debate in
2001. This is a bitter disappointment to Latinos who were excited
by the President’s apparent willingness two years ago to consider
creating a path to permanent legal status for undocumented immigrants
living and working in the United States.
The President’s proposal
is limited to creating a potentially huge new guestworker program
for immigrant workers with no meaningful access to permanent visas
or a path to citizenship for those working, paying taxes, and raising
their families in the United States. Immigrants would be asked to
sign up for what is likely to be second-class status in the American
workforce, which could lead to their removal when their status expires
or is terminated. Labor rights for temporary workers have historically
been weaker than those afforded to workers in the domestic labor
force. Under this proposal, workers would be vulnerable during their
temporary status, and even more vulnerable when it expires, which
would also have a negative impact on wages and working conditions
for their U.S.-born co-workers.
The timing of this proposal
at the beginning of an election year after more than two years of
silence on the issue suggests that the White House intends to appeal
to Latino voters by purporting to establish broad and generous access
to legal status. The details of the proposal, however, reveal that
this is at best an empty promise, and at worst a political ploy
aimed at vulnerable immigrants and those of us who care deeply about
them. If President Bush is serious about moving a reform agenda
forward, we are prepared to work with him, but we will insist on
reforms that fully respect the many contributions that immigrants
make to this country by putting immigrants on a path to permanent
status. Until then, we believe that Latinos will judge the President
on his actions, not simply his words.
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